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內容簡介

Before the Nazies could destroy the files, famed foreign correspondent and historian William L. Shirer sifted through the massive self-documentation of the Third Reich, to create a monumental study that has been widely acclaimed as the definitive record of one of the most frightening chapters in the history of mankind--now in a special 30th anniversary edition."One of the most important works of history of our time."THE NEW YORK TIMES

　　阿道夫·希特勒也許是屬於亞曆山大、愷撒、拿破侖這一傳統的大冒險傢兼徵服者中最後的一個，第三帝國也許是走上以前法國、羅馬帝國、馬其頓所走過的道路的帝國中最後的一個。那段已經閉幕瞭的曆史，至今依然在人類的心靈中震顫。　　本書是全世界最暢銷的反映納粹德國曆史的巨著它精彩絕倫地記述瞭被希特勒稱為"乾鞦帝圍"而實際上隻存在瞭1 2年零4個月的第三帝國從興起到覆滅的全部過程。以其大量的、真實的資料成為論述納粹德國最具權威的作品，是希特勒納粹德國令人顫栗的故事最傑齣的研究成果。　　本書是全世界最暢銷的反映納粹德國曆史的巨著它精彩絕倫地記述瞭被希特勒稱為“乾鞦帝國”而實際上隻存在瞭12年零4個月的第三帝國從興起到覆滅的全部過程。在短短的12年中；不可一世的第三帝國在人類曆史上製造瞭慘絕人寰的災難．留下瞭一段驚心動魄的曆史。隨著第三帝國的迅速崩潰，人們繳獲瞭大暈秘密文件、私人日記、發言記錄以及納粹黨領導人的電話錄音，德國外交部485噸檔案當時就存放在美軍的倉庫裏，於是一個極端獨裁政權的全部秘密和罪惡活動就在它覆滅的同時全部公之於世瞭這就是本書大量的真實的資料來源。

作者簡介

　　威廉·夏伊勒（William L．shirer）,生於美國芝加哥，是著名的駐外特派記者、新聞分析員與世界現代史學傢。他為哥倫比亞廣播公司擔任戰地記者期間，報道瞭許多有關納粹德國從柏林興起到滅亡的經過。本書最初於1 959年齣版．剛一麵世就立即轟動瞭整個世界。英國著名曆史學傢特雷弗·羅珀在《紐約時報》上稱贊他是將“活著的證人能夠與史實結為一體”的非凡傑齣的曆史學傢。他還著有《柏林日記》（1941年）、《第三共和國的崩潰》（1969年）和關於歐洲政治，斯堪的納維亞的書及三本小說。

精彩書評

"One of the most important works of history of our time."
-Orville Prescott The New York Times

"The New York Times Book Review A splendid work of scholarship, objective in method, sound in judgment, inescapable in its conclusions."
--Hugh Trevor-Roper

"A monumental work, a grisly and thrilling story."
--Theodore H. White

精彩書摘

Chapter 1
BIRTH OF THE THIRD REICH
On the very eve of the birth of the Third Reich a feverish tension gripped Berlin. The Weimar Republic, it seemed obvious to almost everyonse, was about to expire. For more than a year it had been fast crumbling. General Kurt von Schleicher, who like his immediate predecessor, Franz von Papen, cared little for the Republic and less for its democracy, and who, also like him, had ruled as Chancellor by presidential decree without recourse to Parliament, had come to the end of his rope after fifty-seven days in office.
On Saturday, January 28, 1933, he had been abruptly dismissed by the aging President of the Republic, Field Marshal von Hindenburg. Adolf Hitler, leader of the National Socialists, the largest political party in Germany, was demanding for himself the chancellorship of the democratic Republic he had sworn to destroy.
The wildest rumors of what might happen were rife in the capital that fateful winter weekend, and the most alarming of them, as it happened, were not without some foundation. There were reports that Schleicher, in collusion with General Kurt von Hammerstein, the Commander in Chief of the Army, was preparing a putsch with the support of the Potsdam garrison for the purpose of arresting the President and establishing a military dictatorship. There was talk of a Nazi putsch. The Berlin storm troopers, aided by Nazi sympathizers in the police, were to seize the Wilhelmstrasse, where the President's Palace and most of the government ministries were located. There was talk also of a general strike. On Sunday, January 29, a hundred thousand workers crowded into the Lustgarten in the center of Berlin to demonstrate their opposition to making Hitler Chancellor. One of their leaders attempted to get in touch with General von Hammerstein to propose joint action by the Army and organized labor should Hitler be named to head a new government. Once before, at the time of the Kapp putsch in 1920, a general strike had saved the Republic after the government had fled the capital.
Throughout most of the night from Sunday to Monday Hitler paced up and down his room in the Kaiserhof hotel on the Reichskanzlerplatz, just down the street from the Chancellery. Despite his nervousness he was supremely confident that his hour had struck. For nearly a month he had been secretly negotiating with Papen and the other leaders of the conservative Right. He had had to compromise. He could not have a purely Nazi government. But he could be Chancellor of a coalition government whose members, eight out of eleven of whom were not Nazis, agreed with him on the abolition of the democratic Weimar regime. Only the aged, dour President had seemed to stand in his way. As recently as January 26, two days before the advent of this crucial weekend, the grizzly old Field Marshal had told General von Hammerstein that he had "no intention whatsoever of making that Austrian corporal either Minister of Defense or Chancellor of the Reich."
Yet under the influence of his son, Major Oskar von Hindenburg, of Otto von Meissner, the State Secretary to the President, of Papen and other members of the palace camarilla, the President was finally weakening. He was eighty-six and fading into senility. On the afternoon of Sunday, January 29, while Hitler was having coffee and cakes with Goebbels and other aides, Hermann Goering, President of the Reichstag and second to Hitler in the Nazi Party, burst in and informed them categorically that on the morrow Hitler would be named Chancellor.
Shortly before noon on Monday, January 30, 1933, Hitler drove over to the Chancellery for an interview with Hindenburg that was to prove fateful for himself, for Germany and for the rest of the world. From a window in the Kaiserhof, Goebbels, Roehm and other Nazi chiefs kept an anxious watch on the door of the Chancellery, where the Fuehrer would shortly be coming out. "We would see from his face whether he had succeeded or not," Goebbels noted. For even then they were not quite sure. "Our hearts are torn back and forth between doubt, hope, joy and discouragement," Goebbels jotted down in his diary. "We have been disappointed too often for us to believe wholeheartedly in the great miracle."
A few moments later they witnessed the miracle. The man with the Charlie Chaplin mustache, who had been a down-and-out tramp in Vienna in his youth, an unknown soldier of World War 1, a derelict in Munich in the first grim postwar days, the somewhat comical leader of the Beer Hall Putsch, this spellbinder who was not even German but Austrian, and who was only forty-three years old, had just been administered the oath as Chancellor of the German Reich.
He drove the hundred yards to the Kaiserhof and was soon with his old cronies, Goebbels, Goering, Roehm and the other Brownshirts who had helped him along the rocky, brawling path to power. "He says nothing, and all of us say nothing," Goebbels recorded, "but his eyes are full of tears."
That evening from dusk until far past midnight the delirious Nazi storm troopers marched in a massive torchlight parade to celebrate the victory. By the tens of thousands, they emerged in disciplined columns from the depths of the Tiergarten, passed under the triumphal arch of the Brandenburg Gate and down the Wilhelmstrasse, their bands blaring the old martial airs to the thunderous beating of the drums, their voices bawling the new Horst Wessel song and other tunes that were as old as Germany, their jack boots beating a mighty rhythm on the pavement, their torches held high find forming a ribbon of flame that illuminated the night and kindled the hurrahs of the onlookers massed on the sidewalks. From a window in the palace Hindenburg looked down upon the marching throng, beating time to the military marches with his cane, apparently pleased that at last he had picked a Chancellor who could arouse the people in a traditionally German way. Whether the old man, in his dotage, had any inkling of what he had unleashed that day is doubtful. A story, probably apocryphal, soon spread over Berlin that in the midst of the parade he had turned to an old general and said, "I didn't know we had taken so many Russian prisoners."
A stone's throw down the Wilhelmstrasse Adolf Hitler stood at an open window of the Chancellery, beside himself with excitement and joy, dancing up and down, jerking his arm up continually in the Nazi salute, smiling and laughing until his eyes were again full of tears.
One foreign observer watched the proceedings that evening with different feelings. "The river of fire flowed past the French Embassy," André François-Poncet, the ambassador, wrote, "whence, with heavy heart and filled with foreboding, I watched its luminous wake."
Tired but happy, Goebbels arrived home that night at 3 A.M. Scribbling in his diary before retiring, he wrote: "It is almost like a dream...a fairy tale...The new Reich has been born. Fourteen years of work have been crowned with victory. The German revolution has begun!"
The Third Reich which was born on January 30, 1933, Hitler boasted, would endure for a thousand years, and in Nazi parlance it was often referred to as the "Thousand-Year Reich." It lasted twelve years and four months, but in that flicker of time, as history goes, it caused an eruption on this earth The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany第三帝國的興亡 英文原版 [平裝] 下載 mobi epub pdf txt 電子書

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　　個人而言，如果真的要我在宗教和儒傢中選一，我選擇儒傢。前提是共産主義理想真的已經破滅瞭。雖然有許多證明試圖讓我相信，而且是主流的證明，這個前提是成立的，但我對這個前提依然有著僥幸之心。

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還許諾納粹黨上颱後立即廢止凡爾賽和約，重整軍備，收復失土，建立一個德意誌民族的日耳曼大帝國---第三帝國(公元962至1806年的神聖羅馬帝國為第一帝國;1871至1918年的德意誌帝國為第二帝國)。就這點而言是第三帝國的興盛原因之一，希特勒《我的奮鬥》這本書從思想上感染瞭大多數德國熱血青年，使他們踴躍參軍，從一定意義上來講的確使整個德國團結在瞭一起，為今後的戰爭提供瞭強有力的武器。從另一方麵而言，當初德國的資本主義發展沒有經過資産階級革命的洗禮，因而政治上保留瞭大量封建殘餘勢從而間接導緻瞭希特勒在推行對外擴張政策時的如此順利。

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很好看的讀物。 內容不錯，價格便宜。

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the history about nazigermany

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正版圖書，閤格比書店便宜。

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物流很好，送得很及時。

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　　沒有遠見的人似是而非的議論經常齣現，而有遠見的人卻要為說真話承受不應有的壓力、遭白眼，我們請來的證監會副主席迴港瞭，她是纍得筋疲力盡，然而還有人說她對證券市場的勵精圖治、建立科學的監管阻礙瞭經濟發展；嚮公眾提醒股市黑暗的學者，隻是做瞭自己分內之事，也有人責備他影響瞭市場的繁榮、阻礙瞭經濟的發展，無形中嚮他施加 巨大的 壓力；作為創新守護神的《知識産權保護法》最有益於“遠見和創新”，卻得不到應有的尊重，原因是短期內有害於經濟的發展；提醒保護國有資産的學者得到的迴復是不懂國情和人格上的攻擊。

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單位圖書室購書，還不錯

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