這纔是心理學（英文版，第10版） [How to think straight about psychology] pdf epub mobi txt 电子书 下载 2025

☆☆☆☆☆

[加] 基思·斯坦諾維奇（Keith E.Stanovich） 著

圖書標籤:

• 心理學
• 批判性思維
• 科學方法
• 行為科學
• 認知心理學
• 研究方法
• 學術著作
• 英文原版
• 第10版
• 通俗心理學

出版社： 人民邮电出版社

ISBN：9787115457837

版次：1

商品编码：12148857

包装：平装

外文名称：How to think straight about psychology

开本：16开

出版时间：2017-07-01

用纸：胶版纸

字数：288

正文语种：英文

編輯推薦

適讀人群 ：心理學專業或準備選修心理學課程的學生，心理學愛好者
　　撥除迷霧，去僞存真，教你如何使用批判性思維，在“僞心理學”橫行的時代分辨齣什麼纔是真正的心理學；
　　清華大學心理學係係主任彭凱平教授特彆推薦給普通讀者的心理學入門讀物；
　　科學鬆鼠會推薦的心理學必讀書籍；
　　全球300多所心理學院校采用的心理學入門教材；
　　全新第10版，英文原版，原汁原味。

內容簡介

　　在今天的大眾媒體和圖書市場上，到處充斥著關於潛能提升、心理操控、色彩星座、催眠讀心等僞裝成心理學的主題，更有一些僞心理學傢、所謂的心理治療師打著心理學的旗號欺世盜名，從中漁利。在浩如煙海、良莠不齊的心理學信息麵前，如何撥除迷霧，去僞存真，成為一個明智的心理學信息的消費者？這本書將教給你科學實用的批判性思維技能，將真正的心理學研究從僞心理學中區分齣來，告訴你什麼纔是真正的心理學。
　　《這纔是心理學》第1版齣版於1983年，30多年來一直被奉為心理學入門經典，在全球**大學中享有盛譽，現在呈現在讀者麵前的是英文第10版。這本書並不同於一般的心理學導論類教材，很多內容是心理學課堂上不曾講授的，也是許多心理學教師在教學中感到隻可意會而不可言傳的。作者正是從此初衷齣發，以幽默生動的語言，結閤一些妙趣橫生、貼近生活的實例，深入淺齣地介紹瞭可證僞性、操作主義、實證主義、安慰劑效應、相關和因果、概率推理等心理學中的基本原則。與上一版相比，第10版更新瞭*新的研究資料和實例以及172篇參考文獻。
　　本書不僅適閤於心理學專業的學生，有助於建立心理學研究中必要的批判性思維技能與意識，而其通俗易讀性也非常適閤所有對心理學感興趣的讀者，它將幫助你糾正對心理學的種種誤解，學會獨立地評估心理學信息，用科學的精神和方法理解自己和他人的行為。此外，由於心理學與其他學科的共通性，本書也不失為一本精彩有趣的科學哲學類讀物。

作者簡介

　　基思·斯坦諾維奇（Keith E. Stanovich），目前擔任加拿大多倫多大學人類發展與應用心理學的國傢首席教授，他的研究領域是推理和閱讀的心理學機製。他於2010年獲得格威爾美爾教育奬（Grawemeyer Award in Education）。他至今已發錶瞭200多篇科學論文。在一項對於論文引用率的調查中，斯坦諾維奇位列引用率*高的50位發展心理學傢之一，也是25位高産的教育心理學傢之一。他所撰寫的《這纔是心理學》（How to Think Straight about Psychology）一書被全球300多所心理學高等教育機構采用。

精彩書評

　　這本“與眾不同的心理學”教科書，總結瞭心理學傢的職業特質，讓每一位讀者都有機會去理解我們心理學傢是如何去思考、分析和解讀人類的行為和心理的。每一章都將一個常識的、樸素的、直覺的有關人類心理的分析和思考與一個科學的、嚴謹的、心理學的分析和思考相對比，以幫助讀者理解心理學傢的分析邏輯和研究思路。
　　——彭凱平教授清華大學心理學係係主任
　　美國加州大學伯剋利分校心理學係終身教授

　　這本書在第1版時，我已經開始把它推薦給我的學生，那是三十多年前的事瞭。現在它已經齣到第10版瞭，可見它深受幾代老師及學生的喜愛。
　　這本書之所以能如此有生命力，我想主要是因為作者能把一個非常枯燥及嚴肅的題材講得那麼生動易懂，引起老師和學生們在課堂上熱烈的討論及哈哈的笑聲。閱讀本書，可以讓人們認識到及分辨齣什麼樣的研究及數據纔是真正科學的及可信的。為此，我不單隻把它推薦給大專院校心理學係的學生作為研究方法課的教材，也強烈推薦給一般讀者。
　　——楊中芳教授
　　中國社會科學院社會學研究所社會心理研究中心客座研究員

　　心理學本身已經離弗洛伊德那個年代很遠很遠瞭。如果你是一個心理學愛好者，或者心理學初學者，又或者是高考填誌願想選擇心理學為專業的學生，都強烈建議你們看一下這本書，這也許與你想象中的心理學有巨大的差彆，但是這纔是目前心理學發展的真正方嚮！
　　——讀者

目錄

Preface xi
1 Psychology Is Alive and Well (and Doing Fine Among the Sciences) 1
The Freud Problem 1
The Diversity of Modern Psychology 3
Implications of Diversity 4
Unity in Science 6
What, Then, Is Science? 8
Systematic Empiricism 9
Publicly Verifiable Knowledge: Replication and Peer Review 10
Empirically Solvable Problems: Scientists’ Search for Testable Theories 12
Psychology and Folk Wisdom: The Problem with “Common Sense” 13
Psychology as a Young Science 17
Summary 18
2 Falsifiability: How to Foil Little Green Men in the Head 21
Theories and the Falsifiability Criterion 22
The Theory of Knocking Rhythms 23
Freud and Falsifiability 24
The Little Green Men 26
Not All Confirmations Are Equal 28
Falsifiability and Folk Wisdom 29
The Freedom to Admit a Mistake 29
Thoughts Are Cheap 32
Errors in Science: Getting Closer to the Truth 33
Summary 36
3 Operationism and Essentialism: “But, Doctor,What Does It Really Mean?” 37
Why Scientists Are Not Essentialists 37
Essentialists Like to Argue About the Meaning of Words 38
Operationists Link Concepts to Observable Events 39
Reliability and Validity 40
Direct and Indirect Operational Definitions 42
Scientific Concepts Evolve 43
Operational Definitions in Psychology 45
Operationism as a Humanizing Force 47
Essentialist Questions and the Misunderstanding of Psychology 49
Summary 51
4 Testimonials and Case Study Evidence: Placebo Effects and the Amazing Randi 53
The Place of the Case Study 54
Why Testimonials Are Worthless: Placebo Effects 56
The “Vividness” Problem 59
The Overwhelming Impact of the Single Case 62
The Amazing Randi: Fighting Fire with Fire 64
Testimonials Open the Door to Pseudoscience 65
Summary 71
5 Correlation and Causation: Birth Control
by the Toaster Method 73
The Third-Variable Problem: Goldberger and Pellagra 74
Why Goldberger’s Evidence Was Better 75
The Directionality Problem 78
Selection Bias 79
Summary 83
6 Getting Things Under Control: The Case of Clever Hans 85
Snow and Cholera 86
Comparison, Control, and Manipulation 87
Random Assignment in Conjunction with Manipulation
Defines the True Experiment 88
The Importance of Control Groups 90
The Case of Clever Hans, the Wonder Horse 95
Clever Hans in the 1990s 97
Prying Variables Apart: Special Conditions 100
Intuitive Physics 102
Intuitive Psychology 103
Summary 106
7 “But It’s Not Real Life!”: The “Artificiality” Criticism and Psychology 107
Why Natural Isn’t Always Necessary 107
The “Random Sample” Confusion 108
The Random Assignment Versus Random Sample Distinction 109
Theory-Driven Research Versus Direct Applications 110
Applications of Psychological Theory 115
The “College Sophomore” Problem 117
The Real-Life and College Sophomore Problems in Perspective 120
Summary 121
8 Avoiding the Einstein Syndrome: The Importance of Converging Evidence 123
The Connectivity Principle 124
A Consumer’s Rule: Beware of Violations of Connectivity 125
The “Great-Leap” Model Versus the Gradual-Synthesis Model 126
Converging Evidence: Progress Despite Flaws 128
Converging Evidence in Psychology 130
Scientific Consensus 134
Methods and the Convergence Principle 136
The Progression to More Powerful Methods 137
A Counsel Against Despair 139
Summary 142
9 The Misguided Search for the “Magic Bullet”: The Issue of Multiple Causation 143
The Concept of Interaction 144
The Temptation of the Single-Cause Explanation 147
Summary 150
10 The Achilles’ Heel of Human Cognition:
Probabilistic Reasoning 151
“Person-Who” Statistics 153
Probabilistic Reasoning and the Misunderstanding
of Psychology 154
Psychological Research on Probabilistic Reasoning 156
Insufficient Use of Probabilistic Information 157
Failure to Use Sample-Size Information 159
The Gambler’s Fallacy 161
A Further Word About Statistics and Probability 163
Summary 165
11 The Role of Chance in Psychology 167
The Tendency to Try to Explain Chance Events 167
Explaining Chance: Illusory Correlation and the Illusion of Control 170
Chance and Psychology 172
Coincidence 172
Personal Coincidences 175
Accepting Error in Order to Reduce Error: Clinical Versus Actuarial Prediction 176
Summary 183
12 The Rodney Dangerfield of the Sciences 185
Psychology’s Image Problem 185
Psychology and Parapsychology 186
The Self-Help Literature 188
Recipe Knowledge 190
Psychology and Other Disciplines 192
Our Own Worst Enemies 193
Isn’t Everyone a Psychologist? Implicit Theories of Behavior 199
The Source of Resistance to Scientific Psychology 200
The Final Word 205
References 207
Credits 229
Name Index 230
Subject Index 237

精彩書摘

　　The Freud Problem
　　Stop 100 people on the street and ask them to name a psychologist, either living or dead. Record the responses. Of course, Dr. Phil, Wayne Dyer, and other “media psychologists” would certainly be named. If we leave out the media and pop psychologists, however, and consider only those who have made a recognized contribution to psychological knowledge, there would be no question about the outcome of this informal survey. Sigmund Freud would be the winner hands down. B. F. Skinner would probably finish a distant second. No other psychologist would get enough recognition even to
　　bother about. Thus, Freud, along with the pop psychology presented in the media, largely defines psychology in the public mind.
　　The notoriety of Freud has greatly affected the general public’s conceptions about the field of psychology and has contributed to many misunderstandings. For example, many introductory psychology students are surprised to learn that, if all the members of the American Psychological Association (APA) who were concerned with Freudian psychoanalysis were collected, they would make up less than 10 percent of the membership. In another major psychological association, the Association for Psychological Science, they would make up considerably less than 5 percent. One popular introductory psychology textbook (Wade & Tavris, 2008) is over 700 pages long, yet contains only 15 pages on which either Freud or psychoanalysis is mentioned—and these 15 pages often contain
　　criticism (“most Freudian concepts were, and still are, rejected by most empirically oriented psychologists,” p. 19).
　　In short, modern psychology is not obsessed with the ideas of Sigmund Freud (as are the media and some humanities disciplines), nor is it largely defined by them. Freud’s work is an extremely small part of the varied set of issues, data, and theories that are the concern of modern psychologists. This
　　larger body of research and theory encompasses the work of five recent Nobel Prize winners (David Hubel, Daniel Kahneman, Herbert Simon, Roger Sperry, and Torsten Wiesel) and a former director of the National Science Foundation (Richard Atkinson), all of whom are virtually unknown to the public.
　　It is bad enough that Freud’s importance to modern psychology is vastly exaggerated. What makes the situation worse is that Freud’s methods of investigation are completely unrepresentative of how modern psychologists conduct their research (recall that Freud began his work over a hundred years ago). In fact, the study of Freud’s methods gives an utterly misleading impression of psychological research. For example, Freud did not use controlled experimentation, which, as we shall see in Chapter 6, is the most potent weapon in the modern psychologist’s arsenal of methods. Freud thought that case studies could establish the truth or falsity of theories. We shall see in Chapter 4 why this idea is mistaken. Finally, a critical problem with Freud’s work concerns the connection between theory and behavioral data. As we shall see in Chapter 2, for a theory to be considered scientific, the link between the theory and behavioral data must meet some minimal requirements. Freud’s theories do not meet these criteria (Dufresne, 2007; Hines, 2003; Macmillan, 1997; McCullough, 2001). To make a long story short, Freud built an elaborate theory on a database (case studies and introspection) that was not substantial enough to support it. Freud concentrated on building complicated theoretical structures, but he did not, as modern psychologists do, ensure that they would rest on a database of reliable, replicable behavioral relationships. In summary, familiarity with Freud’s style of work can be a significant impediment to the understanding of modern psychology.
　　In this chapter, we shall deal with the Freud problem in two ways. First, when we illustrate the diversity of modern psychology, the rather minor position occupied by Freud will become clear (see Haggbloom et al., 2002; Robins, Gosling, & Craik, 1999, 2000). Second, we shall discuss what features are common to psychological investigations across a wide variety of domains. A passing knowledge of Freud’s work has obscured from the general public what is the only unifying characteristic of modern psychology: the quest to understand behavior by using the methods of science.
　　The Diversity of Modern Psychology
　　There is, in fact, a great diversity of content and perspectives in modern psychology. This diversity drastically reduces the coherence of psychology as a discipline. Henry Gleitman (1981), winner of the American Psychological Foundation’s Distinguished Teaching Award, characterized psychology as “a loosely federated intellectual empire that stretches from the domains of the biological sciences on one border to those of the social sciences on the other” (p. 774). Commentators outside of psychology have criticized this diversity. For example, anthropologist Clifford Geertz (2000) has complained that “from the outside, at least, it does not look like a single field, divided into schools and specialties in the usual way. It looks like an assortment of disparate and disconnected inquiries classed together because they all make reference in some way or other to something or other called mental
　　functioning” (p. 187).
　　Understanding that psychology is composed of an incredibly wide and diverse set of investigations is critical to an appreciation of the nature of the discipline. Simply presenting some of the concrete indications of this diversity will illustrate the point. The APAhas 54 different divisions, each representing either a particular area of research and study or a particular area of practice (see Table 1.1). From the table, you can see the range of subjects studied by psychologists, the range of settings involved, and the different aspects of behavior studied. The other large organization of psychologists—the Association for Psychological Science—is just as diverse. Actually, Table 1.1 understates the diversity within the field of psychology because it gives the impression that each division is a specific specialty area. In fact, each of the 54 divisions listed in the table is a broad area of study that contains a wide variety of subdivisions! In short, it is difficult to exaggerate the diversity of the topics that fall within the field of psychology.
　　……

前言/序言

　　New to the Tenth Edition
　　The tenth edition of How to Think Straight About Psychology has no major structural revisions because a chapter reorganization occurred in a previous edition. The content and order of the chapters remain the same. At the request of reviewers and users, this edition remains at the same length as the ninth edition. Readers and users have not wanted the book to lengthen and, indeed, it has not. I have continued to update and revise the examples that are used in the book (while keeping those that are reader favorites).
　　Some dated examples have been replaced with more contemporary studies and issues. I have made a major effort to use contemporary citations that are relevant to the various concepts and experimental effects that are mentioned. A large number of new citations appear in this edition (172 new citations, to be exact!), so that the reader continues to have up-to-date references on all of the examples and concepts.
　　The goal of the book remains what it always was—to present a short introduction to the critical thinking skills that will help the student to better understand the subject matter of psychology. During the past decade and a half there has been an increased emphasis on the teaching of critical thinking in universities (Abrami et al., 2008; Sternberg, Roediger, & Halpern, 2006). Indeed, some state university systems have instituted curricular changes mandating an emphasis on critical thinking skills. At the same time, however, other educational scholars were arguing that critical thinking skills should not be isolated from specific factual content. How to Think Straight About Psychology combines these two trends. It is designed to provide the instructor with the opportunity to teach critical thinking within the rich content of modern psychology.
　　Readers are encouraged to send me comments at: keith.stanovich@utoronto.ca.
　　There exists a body of knowledge that is unknown to most people. This information concerns human behavior and consciousness in their various forms. It can be used to explain, predict, and control human actions. Those who have access to this knowledge use it to gain an understanding of other human beings. They have a more complete and accurate conception of what determines the behavior and thoughts of other individuals than do those
　　who do not have this knowledge.
　　Surprisingly enough, this unknown body of knowledge is the discipline of psychology.
　　What can I possibly mean when I say that the discipline of psychology is unknown? Surely, you may be thinking, this statement was not meant to be taken literally. Bookstores contain large sections full of titles dealing with psychology. Television and radio talk shows regularly feature psychological topics. Magazine articles quote people called psychologists talking about a variety of topics. Nevertheless, there is an important sense in which the field of psychology is unknown.
　　Despite much seeming media attention, the discipline of psychology remains for the most part hidden from the public. The transfer of “psychological” knowledge that is taking place via the media is largely an illusion. Few people are aware that the majority of the books they see in the psychology sections of many bookstores are written by individuals with absolutely no standing in the psychological community. Few are aware that many of the people to whom television applies the label psychologist would not be considered so by the American Psychological Association or the Association for Psychological Science. Few are aware that many of the most visible psychological “experts” have contributed no information to the fund of knowledge in the discipline of psychology.
　　The flurry of media attention paid to “psychological” topics has done more than simply present inaccurate information. It has also obscured the very real and growing knowledge base in the field of psychology. The general public is unsure about what is and is not psychology and is unable to independently evaluate claims about human behavior. Adding to the problem is the fact that many people have a vested interest in a public that is either without evaluative skills or that believes there is no way to evaluate psychological claims. The latter view, sometimes called the “anything goes” attitude, is one of the fallacies discussed in this book, and it is particularly costly to the public. Many pseudosciences are multimillion-dollar industries that depend on the lack of public awareness that claims about human behavior can be tested. The general public is also unaware that many of the claims made by these pseudosciences (e.g., astrology, psychic surgery, speed reading, biorhythms, therapeutic touch, subliminal self-help tapes, facilitated communication, and psychic detectives) have been tested and proved false. The existence of the pseudoscience industry, which is discussed in this book, increases the media’s tendency toward sensationalistic reporting of science. This tendency is worse in psychology than in other sciences, and
　　understanding the reasons why this is so is an important part of learning how to think straight about psychology.
　　This book, then, is directed not at potential researchers in psychology but at a much larger group: the consumers of psychological information. The target audience is the beginning psychology student and the general reader who have encountered information on psychological issues in the general media and have wondered how to go about evaluating its validity.
　　This book is not a standard introductory psychology text. It does not outline a list of facts that psychological research has uncovered. Indeed, telling everyone to take an introductory psychology course at a university is probably not the ultimate solution to the inaccurate portrayal of psychology in the media. There are many laypeople with a legitimate interest in psychology who do not have the time, money, or access to a university to pursue formal study. More importantly, as a teacher of university-level psychology courses, I am forced to admit that my colleagues and I often fail to give our beginning students a true understanding of the science of psychology. The reason is that lower-level courses often do not teach the critical analytical skills that are the focus of this book. As instructors, we often become obsessed with “content”—with “covering material.” Every time we stray a little from the syllabus to discuss issues such as psychology in the media, we feel a little guilty and begin to worry that we may not cover all the topics before the end of the term.
　　Consider the average introductory psychology textbook. Many now contain between 600 and 800 multicolumned pages and reference literally hundreds of studies in the published literature. Of course, there is nothing wrong with such books containing so much material. It simply reflects the increasing knowledge base in psychology. There are, however, some unfortunate side effects. Instructors are often so busy trying to cram their students full of dozens of theories, facts, and experiments that they fail to deal with some of the fundamental questions and misconceptions that students bring with them to the study of psychology. Rather than dealing directly with these misconceptions, the instructors (and the introductory textbook authors) often hope that if students are exposed to enough of the empirical content of psychology, they will simply induce the answers to their questions. In short, the instructors hope that students will recognize the implicit answers to these questions in the discussions of empirical research in several content areas. All too often this hope is frustrated. In a final review session—or in office hours at the end of the term—instructors are often shocked and discouraged by questions and comments that might have been expected on the first day of the course but not after 14 weeks: “But psychology experiments aren’t real life; what can they tell us?”; “Psychology just can’t be a real science like chemistry, can it?”; “But I heard a therapist on TV say the opposite of what our textbook said”; “I think this theory isstupid—my brother behaves just the opposite of what it says”; “Psychology is nothing more than common sense, isn’t it?”; “Everyone knows what anxiety
　　is—why bother defining it?” For many students, such questions are not implicitly answered merely by a consideration of the content of psychology. In this book, I deal explicitly with the confusions that underlie questions and comments such as these.
　　Unfortunately, research has shown that the average introductory psychology course does surprisingly little to correct some of entering students’ misconceptions about the discipline (Keith & Beins, 2008; Kowalski & Taylor, 2009; Standing & Huber, 2003; Taylor & Kowalski, 2004). This unfortunate fact provides the rationale for this book. Psychology students need explicit instruction in the critical thinking skills that will make them into independent evaluators of psychological information.
　　Years after students have forgotten the content of an introductory psychology course, they will still use the fundamental principles covered in this book to evaluate psychological claims. Long after Erikson’s stages of development have been forgotten, students will be using the thinking tools introduced in this text to evaluate new psychological information encountered in the media. Once acquired, these skills will serve as lifelong tools that will aid in the evaluation of knowledge claims. First, they provide the ability to conduct an initial gross assessment of plausibility. Second, these skills provide some criteria for assessing the reliability of “expert” opinion.

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